Human skulls believed to be from victims of combat between the Congolese army and the Kamuina Nsapu militia in Kasai province on March 12. (Aaron Ross/Reuters) Out of sight, out of mind The Democratic Republic of Congo is certainly in the running for the country with the most armed groups in the world. For two decades, dozens of wars have raged across this enormous central African nation, which is roughly equal in size to all of the United States east of the Mississippi River. The root causes of each conflict vary, but all operate in the vacuum left by the state. Most of the D.R.C. is essentially lawless, and there is an almost total lack of public infrastructure. In the Western press, we rarely read about the constant war in the D.R.C. In fact, we rarely read about the country at all except for the occasional deep dive into its mines, from whence exploited workers extract the rare-earth minerals essential to powering our modern cornucopia of electronics. It takes a particularly heinous set of killings to bring the country to our attention — or a kidnapped American. This month provided both of those events. On March 12, an American investigator working for the United Nation was kidnapped — along with a Swedish colleague and four Congolese associates — in an increasingly restive region called Kasai. The violence they were monitoring is between the poorly trained and barely paid state military and a cultish tribal militia known as Kamuina Nsapu. The militia’s founder was killed by the military in August. Since then, 400 people have died and more than 200,000 others have fled their homes amid ramped-up fighting. On Friday, militiamen ambushed a police convoy and beheaded 42 officers. Six were spared, apparently because they were from the same Luba ethnic group as their attackers. No Luba — nor anyone who hails from the Kasai region — has ever had a leading role in Congo’s government. With violence spiraling, Kamuina Nsapu may now be the biggest threat to the Congolese government. Yet, as in so many of Congo’s conflicts, the “rebels” have no solution to the country’s endemic chaos. They rape, loot, and force children into the fighting. They offer only more misery. — Max Bearak Russian riot policemen detain an anti-corruption demonstrator during a rally in Moscow on March 26. (Maxim Shipenkov/EPA) The big question On Sunday, Russia saw the largest and most widespread protests against Vladimir Putin’s government in years. Defying official warnings not to hold any demonstrations, protesters held anti-corruption rallies across the country — and police responded with barricades, tear gas and mass arrests. In Moscow alone, 700 people were taken to jail, including opposition leader Alexey Navalny. So we asked David Filipov, the Post's Moscow bureau chief: Do these protests signal the start of a larger movement? "Before we can answer that, consider this. If tens of thousands of people show up at unsanctioned rallies to express their anger about corruption and state-run TV doesn’t mention it, did it really happen? "Yes and no. Most Russians get their news from the television. They will see none of the riveting footage of their compatriots, young and old, shouting out 'We want answers!' and 'Shame!' But the Russian Internet was aflood with photos and videos of the rallies. One riot policeman in a prime spot at the barricades told me he’d been photographed 'thousands of times.' "This speaks to the parallel universes of Russian information. The architect of the demonstrations, Alexei Navalny, called on people to come out after publishing a report that alleges that Putin’s prime minister, Dmitry Medvedev, has amassed a fortune in luxury yachts, estates and vineyards. "That report received almost no coverage in state-controlled media, and the government barely commented on it. Just to be certain, authorities banned rallies in most of the 100 cities where they were planned, and state media barely mentioned Navalny’s name in the week before Sunday. "But more than 10 million people watched the YouTube video in which Navalny goes through the highlights; 4 million more watched it on other Russian social media sites. And on Sunday, Navalny's call brought out thousands of people in cities from the Far East to Siberia to the Caucasus to Moscow and St. Petersburg. "If they did it once, they can do it again. "On the other hand, Putin cracked down hard on demonstrations in 2011 and 2012, the last time people came out in such numbers. And with presidential elections approaching, it’s hard to imagine he won’t do that again, either." |