One day after President Trump formally endorsed Roy Moore, the Alabama Senate candidate and accused sexual predator, White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders offered this explanation for the move: the allegations against Moore are troubling, but the prospect of electing a Democrat is more troubling still.
“We’ve said that the allegations are concerning, and, if true, [Moore] should step aside,” Sanders said Tuesday afternoon. “But we don’t have a way to validate that . . . Ultimately, it will come down to the people of Alabama to make that decision.” Read more... |
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RNC Ponies Up—Since Trump’s endorsement, the Republican National Committee has reentered the Alabama special election after having pulled out following the string of allegations that Moore had pursued teenage girls as a grown man, including molesting a 14-year-old girl. On Tuesday, the RNC transferred a total of $170,000 to the state party for the purposes of supporting Moore.
Be sure to read my colleague Ethan Epstein on the RNC’s “flailing inconsistency”—or its all-too-disturbing adherence to the Al Davis rule of “just win, baby.” |
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Photo of the Day

Donald Trump speaks during a lunch meeting with Republican members of the Senate, including Jeff Flake, in the Roosevelt Room of the White House on December 5, 2017. (SAUL LOEB/AFP/Getty Images) |
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Mueller Watch—My colleague Andrew Egger asks a good question that the White House still doesn’t have a straightforward answer to: When, exactly, did President Trump find out Michael Flynn lied to the FBI in January? |
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A Monday report from the Intercept described a story straight out of a spy thriller: that President Donald Trump, mistrustful of “deep state” operatives in U.S. intelligence agencies, was considering forming a private, global network of agents answerable only to CIA director Mike Pompeo and Trump himself.
A CIA spokesperson called the story “wildly inaccurate,” and it certainly seems far-fetched. But Sarah Huckabee Sanders did not entirely disavow the report Tuesday afternoon. “I’m not aware of any plans for something of that definition or anything similar to that at this time,” Sanders told reporters. “I haven’t had that conversation with him, but I’m not aware of any plans for anything like that moving forward.” |
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Feature of the Day—McKay Coppins at the Atlantic on Vice President Mike Pence: “But for all his aw-shucks modesty, Pence is a man who believes heaven and Earth have conspired to place him a heartbeat—or an impeachment vote—away from the presidency. At some crucial juncture in the not-too-distant future, that could make him a threat to Trump.” |
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Was John Anderson the progenitor of Donald Trump? Not exactly, but my colleague Philip Terzian does draw an interesting line from Anderson, the liberal Illinois Republican who died at the age of 95 this week, to our current president. Like Trump, Anderson ran for president in 1980 as a kind of moderate to appeal to those sick of both political parties. But their styles and coalitions were certainly different: Then, as now, there was a sense that events were beyond the control of statesmen, and that the two political parties offered an unpalatable choice. Carter seemed hypnotized by the gathering storms around him, and was sufficiently weakened politically that Sen. Edward Kennedy, a dozen years after Chappaquiddick, felt emboldened to challenge him in the Democratic primaries. The Republican favorite—harried from the right by Jack Kemp and from the left by George H.W. Bush—was the right-wing onetime movie actor, and ex-California governor, Ronald Reagan.
It's not difficult to see Anderson's appeal to 1970s independents. By 1980, he was a liberal by any reasonable measure—in favor of licensing guns, opposed to increases in military spending, pro-abortion—but a self-described fiscal conservative. He had also tapped into what we now regard as the populist, but essentially nonpartisan, disdain for business-as-usual in Washington. The fact that Anderson, at 48, was prematurely gray and favored black suits, solemn expressions, and horn-rimmed glasses, gave him the look of a Puritan divine or Sen. Elizabeth Warren's uncle. |
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Hollywood Watch—More disturbing details from the New York Times on Harvey Weinstein’s network that protected the producer and serial sexual predator for decades. But that support system failed Weinstein this fall when the Times and the New Yorker first began exposing him.
“He gathered ammunition, sometimes helped by the editor of the National Enquirer,who had dispatched reporters to find information that could undermine accusers,” the Times writes. “He turned to old allies, asking a partner in Creative Artists Agency, one of Hollywood’s premier talent shops, to broker a meeting with a C.A.A. client, Ronan Farrow, who was reporting on Mr. Weinstein. He tried to dispense favors: While seeking to stop the actress Rose McGowan from writing in a memoir that he had sexually assaulted her, he tried to arrange a $50,000 payment to her former manager and throw new business to a literary agent advising Ms. McGowan. The agent, Lacy Lynch, replied to him in an email: ‘No one understands smart, intellectual and commercial like HW.’” |
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